Senator VAN (Victoria) (15:58): I assure Senator Marielle Smith that I'll be anything but delicate in this. What we've seen today is marketing spin at its greatest. We've seen the Labor Party's marketing plans exposed in the parliament by Senator Birmingham, after the attacks by those opposite and now this take note of answers motion. They are going to go after the Prime Minister and they are going to highlight that he has been slow and late on vaccines, climate change, bushfires and financial support for Victoria. Well, let me set the record straight on this, because we're anything but slow or late on any of these.

On 5 November last year, the Prime Minister put out an announcement that he had already ordered 135 million doses of vaccine, more than enough for five doses for every Australian. Then, last week, in my home state of Victoria, Premier Andrews said in the media that the Prime Minister forgot to order the vaccines. We know that's a lie. We know that the Premier of Victoria lied about that. On 21 February this year, the Prime Minister announced that the Australian government had 'a comprehensive plan to offer COVID-19 vaccines to all Australians by the end of October 2021'. And I think we've seen that, by the end of October—or maybe a day or two after—that was done. We hit 80 per cent vaccinated. More than 91 per cent of the eligible population over 16 are now protected. No-one said that the rollout of the vaccine had to be a straight line. Of course it was going to ramp up. We had no vaccine. There were countries that demanded and needed vaccine more than we did, and they got it. But we met our promise to the Australian people. The Prime Minister made a promise to the Australian people and we met it.

Our record on the vaccine rollout is better than the UK, better than the US and better than New Zealand. So with more vaccines going into arms every day, it's likely that we'll overtake more vaccines. The Labor Party's position on vaccines is woeful. The Labor Party has endorsed a candidate for the seat of Higgins who spent all of last year and most of this year putting out misinformation and creating vaccine hesitancy about the AstraZeneca vaccine, saying it was a population-level experiment with high stakes attached to it. Personally, I'm not comfortable with that approach at all. She also said there is a possibility that the AstraZeneca vaccine will be rolled out to 10 million adults but we still might be vulnerable when we relax our international borders. We know that's not true. Would the Labor candidate for Higgins have voted with Pauline Hanson's One Nation party yesterday? It sounds like it, from this. She has promoted vaccine hesitancy all the way through. We can see that Labor has had a really ordinary run on that.

I'm happy to talk to the financial support for Victoria. The Morrison government has provided over $4 billion to Victoria through COVID economic support. That is more per capita than any other state in the country—

The DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Senator Van, I remind you that the questions today from Senators Smith, Wong and Grogan went to the Prime Minister.

Senator VAN: And I'm answering that completely. I'm happy to take that point of order because I'm being directly relevant. I'm addressing each one of these.

The DEPUTY PRESIDENT: You were. You started off—

Senator VAN: I'm correcting the record—

The DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Senator Van, it's not an argument. I'm simply directing you to the questions that were asked by Labor senators. You started off on track but, over the last 30 or 40 seconds, you've gone off track, and I'm simply pointing out to you what the comments were.

Senator Dean Smith: In a contribution of five minutes, I don't think going off the track for 30 to 40 seconds warrants an intervention by the chair.

The DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Senator Smith, it's not a debating point. I am simply directing the senator to the take note questions.

Senator VAN: That's exactly what I'm doing. Labor is attacking the Prime Minister on a record that cannot be attacked. He has done exactly what he said he would do and what we would do. We said we'd take on climate change. I'm going again to your document—the one that you're all clearly following in the chamber today and we're going to see for the next two weeks until the election. You're clearly going to go after the Prime Minister. This is clearly your tactic, to your point, Madam Deputy President. This is your tactic that I'm correcting the record on. We went to the election and we said we'd take 26 to 28 per cent as our Paris target for our NDC, and we are on track to meet that. The Prime Minister is keeping his promise on that. He's keeping his promise on meeting and beating the Paris target. We've already projected that we'll hit 35 per cent. So every one of your points in your marketing plan—when Senator Smith talks about marketing and spin, we can see yours. We can see straight through your tactics. It's not going to work. The people of Australia are not going to believe it. They aren't going to stand for it, and you'll see the results in the election next year. (Time expired)

Senator VAN (Victoria) (13:48): I rise today not to have an argument with the Victorian Premier, but to say this; the Premier wilfully misrepresented the facts by saying that the PM 'forgot to order the vaccines' in a media conference last week.

The Premier knows full well that vaccines were ordered. The PM's media release of 5 November 2020 highlights that 134 million doses had been ordered.

The Premier's wilful misrepresentation of the facts is just another political ploy by Mr Andrews and can tell him now that Victorians see right through him, just as they have over his complete overreach for unfettered political power.

No-one is arguing that states don't require emergency powers. However, he has had ample powers, that included parliamentary oversight, and he still managed to lock Victorians down for longer than any other place in the world.

The powers he has put to the Victorian lower house already are the greatest power overreach Australia has ever seen.

The Victorian Bar says - and I quote, ‘the bill provides grossly insufficient Parliamentary supervision over the Minister's exercise of that power'.

The Bar and 60 eminent QCs said that the bill provides 'extremely broad and unchecked powers on authorised officers'.

Now let's be clear: these officers are not sworn officers; they are a surge workforce on temporary contracts being paid approximately $90,000 a year.

Mr Andrews' introduction of this bill is giving him totalitarian-like powers, and this shows why he has earned the nickname 'Dictator Dan'.

I rise as part of Youth Voice in Parliament week to give voice to Trish, a 17-year-old from Melbourne, who says:

As a second-generation Sri Lankan Australian woman, my vision for Australia in 20 years is a unified and uplifted nation in which every individual, regardless of age, colour, gender, faith, ability, or sexuality, is equally visible and appreciated.

A prominent issue within society today revolves around the lack of representation and opportunity for every individual. More specifically, discrimination towards our first-peoples, people of different ethnic backgrounds and women.

In order to progress as a country and create a nation that is innovative and dynamic, it is important to target this issue. We must appreciate the value in differences. Particularly its ability to improve our sense of global awareness and develop a well-rounded and empathetic approach to national and international issues.

This can be achieved by addressing young people, the hope of the future. It is necessary to understand the importance in creating a holistic education system that enables us to live meaningful and fulfilling lives. Not only are academics pursued, but a more globalised education encouraging critical thinking, cultural exploration, discussions surrounding respect and the ability to actively accept and form individual perspectives.

A collective belief in equality would provide Australia with the courage to move away from discrimination and towards a united nation, well equipped to play our role in the world.

We are one, but we are many. Let us work towards an Australia that proudly embodies our diversity.

I thank Trish for her speech.

Senator VAN (Victoria) (12:15): A net zero transition provides Australia with abundant opportunity, but because of the fallacy that net zero equals zero emissions, the common debate around emissions reduction has been tarnished by this government's political opponents, who either do not understand or wilfully ignore the fact that, in a net zero future, there will still be emissions generated.

The only way that many developed states will reach the net zero target is by purchasing carbon offset credits and through the use of nuclear power. The use of abatement credits allows these states to quickly and cheaply slash their emissions without having to invest in the structural change that takes time to take effect and that actually cuts emissions. This approach can be described as little more than greenwashing on an international scale. They are already purchasing carbon offset credits from countries around the globe. This is in stark contrast to Australia's approach, where we have built structural changes into our energy systems and our other industries economy-wide that will actually bring down emissions and have been bringing down emissions on a scale that most other countries can only dream about. This provides Australia with a unique economic opportunity, because we are developing the technology to reach net zero and will have abundant potential to sell offset credits to those other nations. This practice is already underway in Australia through the Emissions Reduction Fund, which is going from strength to strength. This year the 1,000th project was registered and the millionth tonne of abatement was credited.

I want to be clear that Australia should be emitting as little as possible as it approaches its low-emissions targets. However, we should be working to become an economic powerhouse in selling carbon credits, and we are developing the technology that will fuel a low-emissions economy.

In the transition to net zero, we should not be abandoning the exports that underpin our regions. We should be acknowledging the fact that net zero is not zero emissions. It's the difference between giving big parts of agriculture, heavy manufacturing and resources no future and giving them a bright future. For these sectors of our economy that support thousands of jobs and play a vital role in Australian society, we need to ensure that in a net zero economy they are able to thrive. The market is already adjusting to a future where coal is no longer the main source of energy generation, but that is not going to happen overnight. Until it is no longer needed, coalmining must continue to support our economy and continue to provide good jobs for thousands of Australians.

The transition to net zero provides Australia with bountiful economic opportunities. Our technology-not-taxes approach ensures that the Australian economy will continue to thrive in this transition as we drive down emissions. Investing in the development of low- and no-emissions technologies will not only help Australia reach net zero but also, importantly, help our friends and partners around the world reach net zero. By driving down the cost to produce low- or no-emissions energy sources, developing countries will no longer have to make the choice between emissions reduction and development. These two processes go hand in hand.

Emissions reduction is a global challenge. Only by driving down the costs of clean alternatives—such as producing hydrogen at less than $2 a kilo or producing green aluminium at under $2,700 per tonne and green steel at under $900 per tonne—will these low-emission options be competitive with the traditional alternatives.

At these prices, low-emission alternatives would be available for everyone, not just Australia. Australia will become an exporter of these low-emission alternatives. These technologies will allow the globe's transition to a low-emissions economy. It is only through a global effort that this can be achieved. Developing these technologies, which our energy Technology Investment Roadmap clearly sets out, will allow Australia to remain a net exporter of energy; it will just be a different type of energy. This will ensure that the benefits of the coal export boom that we've seen recently will not be lost, and we will continue to reap the benefits of selling energy to states around the world. Similar to the LNG gas revolution which saw Australia become the second largest LNG exporter in the world, I see no reason why we cannot be a global low-emissions hydrogen or green steel exporter.

The energy transition towards net zero presents Australia with vast opportunities that we should be grasping with two hands. It is clear from the Technology Investment Roadmap that work is well underway in Australia to support an economy that is not reliant on coal, both as a source of energy and income. The Technology Investment Roadmap sets out our priority low-emissions technologies and the economic stretch goals. Those priority low-emissions technologies that have been identified are: clean hydrogen; energy storage; low-carbon materials, such as steel and aluminium; carbon capture and storage; and soil carbon.

In our efforts to reach clean hydrogen under $2 per kilogram, the conservative estimates for our National Hydrogen Strategy indicate that a domestic industry could generate over 8,000 jobs and $11 billion a year in GDP. But this is not going to happen overnight. We have phases that we're going to go through while we achieve this. At the moment, blue hydrogen is a competitive energy source, but we are working hard to get green hydrogen under that price. That will likely take 10 years, but we should be doing that work now. The exporting of our coal is funding the investments that need to go into that. It's a $1.9 billion investment package into new energy technologies, which includes commitments that will support hydrogen, including $1.6 billion in new funding for ARENA; a $74.5 million future fuels package; and a $70.2 million fund to activate regional hydrogen export hubs. This will build on over $500 million committed towards hydrogen projects by the government at the launch of the National Hydrogen Strategy. Establishing hydrogen as a priority technology and working towards this stretch goal will reinforce these commitments and ensure Australia can capture a significant share of the growing global export demand for this technology.

I rise to speak on the Migration Amendment (Strengthening the Character Test) Bill 2019. As we move out of an environment dominated by COVID-19, which has unfortunately been characterised by border closures and lockdowns, like in my home state of Victoria, we must once again set our sights on what a return to normal will look like. Considering how well the Morrison government has handled the pandemic, and the fact that our economy is in a position to continue to grow past COVID-19, Australia will once again become an attractive location for foreign citizens to come and visit, whether it be for tourism, for work or to live. Australia is proudly a multicultural nation, and a large part of our success has been built on the back of migrants from around the world who are attracted by some of the great many benefits that Australia has to offer.

However, unfortunately, not everyone who wishes to come to our shores has good intentions in mind and do not wish to subscribe to the many values that we hold dear, such as respect for the rule of law. The respect for the rule of law is a fundamental value that underpins our society; it is what keeps Australians safe and our nation prosperous. The Morrison government is resolutely committed to upholding these values, ensuring that those who enter our borders share our respect for the rule of law and value the benefits that this brings to our society. Consistent with the views and expectations of all Australians, the Morrison government has no tolerance for criminal behaviour. Those that engage in crime and who pose a threat to Australians in their homes and communities have no place entering our borders.

Once the number of people crossing the border into Australia again begins to increase, so too will the threats to our security increase. It is not a right of noncitizens to enter into Australia, it is a privilege. This privilege that we bestow on those entering Australia is one that we must carefully manage. Australians expect that we, as the representatives of the people, have in place the right rules and regulations to ensure that this privilege is not taken for granted by those who wish to do us harm.

The Morrison government has shown that it is resolute in its commitment to keeping Australians safe. We have recently passed numerous pieces of legislation designed to keep Australians safe from foreign threats. They include the Independent National Security Legislation Monitor Amendment Bill, the Foreign Intelligence Legislation Amendment Bill, the Surveillance Legislation Amendment (Identify and Disrupt) Bill, and the Counter-Terrorism Legislation Amendment (Sunsetting Review and Other Measures) Bill.

All of these, I have spoken on recently in this place. They are just a handful of recent examples of legislation, that have passed through the parliament, aimed at keeping Australians safe and free from the threat of violence. Recently, as everyone will be aware, the AUKUS announcement was made. This trilateral defence pact can be seen as one of the greatest achievements in strengthening our national security in recent history. It's one of the greatest steps taken by an Australian government to keeping Australians safe. These announcements outline the Morrison government's achievements over recent times that go towards keeping Australians safe. This commitment is extended today with the bill before us.

We are a welcoming, multicultural, open and cohesive society. At the same time, we need to ensure that we remain safe and secure. The Australian community expects that the Australian government can and should refuse entry to noncitizens or cancel their visas if they do not abide by the rule of law. It must be clear to those who wish to travel to our shores that if they choose to break the law and fail to uphold the standards of behaviour expected by the Australian community, that privilege of residing in Australia will be taken away from them. The purpose of this bill is to amend the Migration Act 1958 to specify that a person who does not pass the character test—that is, they've been convicted of a designated offence—may have their visa cancelled or visa application refused.

The character test, in one form or another, has been in the act since 1992. What the Morrison government is doing is ensuring that this test remains in step with the rest of our society and our values. The Migration Amendment (Strengthening the Character Test) Bill 2019 will ensure that noncitizens who are convicted of certain serious offences and pose a risk to the safety of the Australian community do not pass that character test and are, appropriately, considered for visa refusal or cancellation.

Senator VAN (Victoria) (15:06): As a Catholic and a member of this government, I'm immensely proud of what this government is doing to lower emissions. Those opposite don't seem to pay any attention to the real facts of what's going on here, so I think it's time to tell them a little bit of what we've been doing. Australia's emissions are at their lowest levels since records began. Emissions in 2020 were more than 20 per cent lower than the 2005 baseline being used for the Paris Agreement. Australia has reduced its emissions faster than have Canada, Japan, New Zealand and Senator Keneally's previous home, the USA. Australia is on track to beat our 2030 Paris target, and we will meet and beat that target. Let me repeat that: we will meet and beat that target. On a per person basis, that's a reduction of nearly 49 per cent per capita. This is more than France, Germany, Canada, New Zealand or Japan is expected to achieve.

Those opposite haven't even set a 2030 target that they will share with anyone, so God knows what they're carrying on about. Our approach to reducing emissions is not going to be theirs, which we know is going to be taxes. As we know, the world is changing, and we're going to need different mixes of energy. Our customers from all around the world, including Japan and Korea, are telling us that, so we're developing the technology to meet those challenges.

Australia is truly the envy of the world on this. We have strong targets. We are beating our targets. We're spending $1.2 billion on hydrogen development. We will get hydrogen well below the $2 per kilo mark, which is as expected, and that is for both blue and green hydrogen. But these things take time. These things aren't going to happen overnight. Like carbon capture and storage, these are technologies that need to be developed. We know that those opposite won't take any time to develop a tax on this. They'll apply it the second they ever get back into government. It's just a shame that they won't ever learn their lessons. Hopefully, they learned their lessons from the last election.

Australia is building wind and solar three times faster on a per capita basis than is Europe or the US. We have the world's highest take-up with rooftop solar, with one in four homes now having rooftop panels. Last year seven gigawatts of solar power were installed in Australia. It took 30 years to come up with the first gigawatt of renewable power. Now we're doing seven gigawatts a year. Globally, I believe the number is 700 gigawatts, so we're doing our fair share, and we're committed to reducing emissions through technology not taxes. Our Technology Investment Roadmap will support investments in hydrogen, long-duration energy storage, pumped hydro, low-emissions steel, low-emissions aluminium, carbon capture and storage, and healthy soils. Our commitments and investments in this will guide and be enhanced by $80 billion of private investment going along with ours by 2030. That will support 160,000 jobs. So Australia has achieved its emissions reduction, and, when you look at it on a per capita basis, we're doing far more than those opposite would ever have achieved.

Senator Keneally says we're an eight-year-old, tired government. Let me just remind you of a few things we've done in the last six weeks, since we were last sitting in this place. Five million Australians have received their first dose of a COVID vaccine, while 6.5 million have received their second dose. The first million doses of Moderna have arrived and have been put in the arms of those aged 12 or more. We've secured access to 300,000 doses of molnupiravir, if I'm pronouncing that correctly. We've created—and this might have been missed by those opposite—an enhanced security partnership, AUKUS, with the US and the UK. There was the historic first meeting of the Quad. The final budget outcome for 2021 showed a net improvement of $80 billion in the nation's finances. These are hardly the hallmarks of a tired government. I could keep going, if you would give me leave to continue my remarks.

Senator VAN (Victoria) (16:49): I love MPIs, especially the ones we get from Labor. They make me laugh; they really do. It's like being given a dorothy dixer—although, with Senator Ayres's one today, the English, if you could call it that, took a bit of deciphering before I could understand it. But thank you, Senator Ayres, for a chance to talk on this.

Just so everyone's aware, including Senator Ayres and Senator Urquhart, the Doherty modelling has been released. I have it here and will table it, if you like. It's available on the Doherty institute's website. It's available on the government website. The one I have was revised on 10 August. I'm not sure if there's been another one since then, but 10 August seems pretty up to date. And it does talk about the effects on the health system. It talks about when we can open up safely. And, as we've seen in New South Wales and as we will see, finally, on Thursday in Victoria, vaccines are bringing down cases and are working. The national plan that was brought about on the back of the Doherty modelling is working, and we're seeing that in Victoria and New South Wales. In New South Wales, there were only 273 new cases today. In Victoria, my home state, fingers crossed it is working and it's coming down, with 1,749 cases today.

What we have seen is lockdowns in Victoria, the jurisdiction that's been locked down the longest in the whole world. The lockdowns don't work. Vaccines do. And vaccines are being rolled out. To give the Prime Minister his credit—I have his media release here from 21 February 2021, in which he said, 'The Australian government has a comprehensive plan to offer COVID-19 vaccines to all Australians by the end of October 2021'—it looks very much as though we're going to hit that date.

Those opposite should be congratulating us, but they're having a whinge about something that already exists and that they don't know anything about. Their states aren't fixing their hospital systems. The Victorian government produced its own modelling, from the Burnet Institute, which says that the significant easing of restrictions at 80 per cent will lead to 63 per cent of simulations exceeding 2,500 hospital beds. Premier Andrews last year promised us 4,000 beds. Even on the back of his own modelling, he has failed to deliver those beds. So, if any hospital system is at risk, it's the Victorian one, by the Premier's own modelling, that's damned by this.

It also says, 'High rates of symptomatic testing among people who are vaccinated could reduce the impact on the health system.' I found this incredibly interesting, because, day after day, for the whole 18 months, the Victorian testing system has lagged behind those of other states. Even just today in New South Wales, to pull out one—and we know that the testing rates in New South Wales have dropped because there are so few cases—there were over 90,000 tests in the last 24 hours. There were only 68,000 in Victoria, yet we've got more than five times the number of cases.

Those opposite should stop crying out and saying, 'We need more.' The states need to be doing more—because guess what? The Commonwealth government has already gone to them and said, 'We will invest $131.4 billion in demand driven public hospital funding to improve health outcomes for all Australians.' This is in addition to over $8 billion of health investment by the Commonwealth during the COVID-19 response. This government is doing everything it needs to do, and Australians can see that. Australians see every day how well we're responding to this pandemic. We have some of the lowest numbers of deaths in the world and we're heading towards some of the highest vaccination rates in the world, yet those opposite want to pick at little things and raise badly worded MPIs that just waste the Senate's time. Come on, guys. Get with Team Australia—that's what you're here for. We're nearly there. Roll up your sleeves.

Tribute to Sir David Amess, the Conservative MP who was tragically murdered last week. He was the MP for Southend West, a town that I lived in for a short while earlier in my life. He was the MP at that time, but I never got to meet him; I wasn't involved in politics at that point in my life. But much of his work I've heard about through those of my friends and family who are still living there. I have a beautiful goddaughter, Natasha, who still lives there, and she and her family have been quite troubled by this. Sir David was described as one of the kindest, nicest, most gentle people ever to have served in politics. Even his opposition have described his profound sense of duty as something that we all should aim to be like, and I would certainly like to do that myself.

as early as November last year the Morrison government had already ordered 135 million doses of four different vaccines. While history showed they had some problems, no government has the benefit of hindsight. Now nearly two million doses are being administered a week. the Prime Minister has done, just in these past weeks: he oversaw and worked with our coalition partners on getting people out of Afghanistan; additional support for thousands of childcare providers impacted by extended COVID lockdowns was announced; Australia's emissions are now down 20.8 per cent on 2005 levels, which puts us at roughly 74 per cent of the way towards our Paris target; extra assistance was provided for jobseekers across the country; reforms to the leadership structure of the elite SAS regiment were made; more medications were added to the PBS; super funds were held to account with the annual performance test; million-dollar grants to Australian defence exporters were announced; disaster assistance for northern New South Wales towns was announced and ministerial trade talks were held between Australia and India—and, I should add, during the COVID-affected June quarter the economy still grew by 0.7 per cent

The fall of the Afghan government and the subsequent Taliban takeover have quite rightly sent shockwaves around the world. Largely, the public discourse is centred around a narrative that the Taliban takeover means that the last two decades have accomplished nothing. I rise tonight to say that I strongly disagree. What that narrative fails to see is that, over the last 20 years, generations of women have seen what gender equality—or, more accurately, nearly gender equality—looks like. This gave the whole country hope for a freer life and a better future.

These brave Afghan women unshackled themselves from restraints placed upon them and achieved things that seemed unimaginable 20 years ago. In the past two decades, Afghan women have fought for their equal and rightful place in society, protected by our coalition forces. Young girls were free to attend school. Women were welcomed into universities, the police force, politics and professions such as the law. In Afghanistan, this was a radical step forward, evolving the very fabric of their society. Make no mistake: the Taliban's likely unravelling of these gains is an atrocity, and this is the greatest tragedy to come out of the fall of Kabul.

Everyone, regardless of their sex, has the right to feel safe from sexual and gender harassment. Since the Sex Discrimination Act was first introduced, in 1984, we've come a long way. However, since then, time and time again, we are unfortunately reminded that the work is not done and that there is still more to do. That is why I'm so grateful that we have people such as Kate Jenkins, who does such important work to make Australia a better place. As Ms Jenkins states in the Respect@Work report:

Workplace sexual harassment is not inevitable. It is not acceptable. It is preventable.

Sexual harassment is not a women's issue: it is a societal issue, which every Australian, and every Australian workplace, can contribute to addressing.

The community the consensus is clear: the children need to go back to school. Recent reports indicate that in my home state of Victoria more than 340 teenagers a week are ending up in the hospital with mental health emergencies—an 83 per cent rise on last year and a 162 per cent increase from 2019. Anyone will tell you that these figures are truly horrific. It's a clear indication of the negative effects of the 212 days of the Andrews government's lockdowns.

While battling one health pandemic it is essential that we do not create another one. Return to school can only be achieved with safety at front of mind. What is occurring right now is simply untenable. Our young people need to go back to school. Once all school staff members are vaccinated there would be no reason this could not happen.

This bill does not seek to make any fundamental changes to the operations of the Australian court system, only to make incremental changes that will streamline and clarify existing processes. This is a commonsense bill that seeks to improve the administration processes of the federal courts and the Administrative Appeals Tribunal, the AAT.

At its core the bill seeks to ensure red tape does not interfere with the smooth handling of matters, especially within the context of remote working whilst the pandemic calls for it. Measures such as allowing for judges to make rulings outside of their jurisdiction due to lockdowns and remote working is one such change which will allow for the smooth running of the courts during this period in time. This is a measure which both the courts and the government believe is necessary for the long-term evolution in the way hearings are conducted that will greatly benefit the courts and tribunals moving forward. By amending the definition of 'open court' these amendments seek to clarify the validity of remote hearings and by extension ensure that the court can continue to hear matters throughout the undefined COVID-19 period and beyond.

These measures are sought by the government to also make merits review through the AAT accessible, fair, just, economical, informal and quick.